How to build a highly efficient and perfectly oppressive society

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Yicheng · May 10, 2025
A system where everyone can be deceived, exploited, and oppressed—yet powerless to resist Throughout the course of human civilization, the idea of building a “perfect abyss” has never been a mere fantasy. Its prototypes are scattered across history and present-day society—different in appearance, but strikingly similar in essence. If one were to deliberately design such […]

A system where everyone can be deceived, exploited, and oppressed—yet powerless to resist

Throughout the course of human civilization, the idea of building a “perfect abyss” has never been a mere fantasy. Its prototypes are scattered across history and present-day society—different in appearance, but strikingly similar in essence.

If one were to deliberately design such a society, three foundational principles must be strictly upheld: all wealth flows from one source, all power speaks from one voice, and all officials follow one chain of command.

I. Centralize all wealth, control the world

Money is the most fundamental unit of power and freedom in modern society. Whether a person can make independent choices largely depends on their basic economic capacity. Housing, education, healthcare, career paths—even the freedom to express opinions—all rest on a degree of financial autonomy. That is why restricting economic agency is one of the most effective ways to limit social freedom.

In a well-engineered abyssal society, people must never gain real control over economic resources.

The chronic financial vulnerability of the lower classes is not an accident—it is a structural reality. When people live paycheck to paycheck, drowning in debt and instability, they lose the capacity to reflect on systemic injustice, let alone organize to change it. Survival becomes their sole occupation.

And none of this is maintained by brute force, but rather by the quiet operation of a complex system—one that ensures that control over resources is always concentrated in the hands of a few. Tax policies favor capital, public resources are unevenly distributed, the education system rewards obedience, and the finance and housing sectors manufacture burden and dependency. Each seemingly neutral institutional design subtly funnels economic resources upward.

When people are consumed by survival—by housing near good schools, social insurance, and endless loan payments—they no longer have the strength to ask what freedom means, or what justice looks like.

II. Tame the citizens, preserve the throne

To crush political dreams, all it takes is turning citizens into obedient sheep.

The greatest threat to a deep-state society is not weapons, but the widespread awakening of civic consciousness. Once ordinary people realize they have the power to act collectively and participate in politics, the legitimacy of absolute power begins to crumble. That is why cutting off pathways for political participation becomes one of the system’s core strategies.

This suppression is not achieved through brute force, but through layered mechanisms—culture, education, media, and psychological conditioning—all working together to quietly neutralize resistance.

  • From an early age, the education system frames politics as something that belongs to the upper ranks of society—instilling a belief that “politics is not something people like us can influence.”
  • Mainstream media deliberately oversimplifies political issues and distances them from everyday life, aligning itself with those in power.
  • Meanwhile, the public discourse is saturated with subtle suggestions that “getting involved in politics is tantamount to rebellion,” gradually turning civic engagement into something dangerous—something to be avoided.

This long-term shaping of information and cognition does not result in the silence of a generation, but rather in the “lack of political imagination” within it. People can no longer conceive of collective expression, democratic dialogue, or public action, and they find it increasingly difficult to trust or unite with others. Individuals gradually become atomized, losing the ability to form collective power.

Ultimately, citizenship is reduced to that of a “submissive individual”—no longer concerned with how the system operates, but only with how to avoid being harmed. In this state, even when widespread injustice exists, there is a lack of sufficient mobilization to push for change.

No need for suppression, no need for bullets—the system continues to function, because people have long since abandoned the possibility of fighting for change.

III. Control Through Bureaucracy: The System’s Grip on Power

Fostering “controllable talents” and making internal friction an institutional inertia.

In a highly centralized power system, maintaining long-term stability requires a bureaucratic structure loyal to the system, rather than to the people. In such a mechanism, those with independent judgment, a sense of public responsibility, and the courage to speak out are often excluded from the core. Instead, the system favors controllable talents—those who are deeply attached to power and have no moral boundaries when it comes to personal gain.

Some of them are addicted to power, some are driven by greed for money, and others are enslaved by personal desires. These “weaknesses” make them particularly easy to manipulate. The system places them in various power positions, where they become the boss in institutions, granted a paternalistic authority that forces peope to comply.

A deeper strategy is to create structural divisions and competition. By overlapping the authority of departments, leaving room for power struggles between local and central governments, and uneven resource allocation among officials, the system forces them into constant infighting within the institutional framework. This artificial mechanism of internal competition compels officials at all levels to expend vast amounts of energy on mutual surveillance and the struggle for limited resources, leaving little time for building consensus or pushing for reforms.

In the midst of this chaos, those in power only need to occasionally “mediate” to win hearts and establish authority. People may even come to appreciate the “arbiter of order,” despite the fact that they were the ones who created the very chaos. As the old saying goes, “The world is vast, yet it is like holding it in the palm of your hand.”

Finale: The Art of the Abyss

Building a “highly efficient yet dark society with no power to resist” does not require advanced technology, nor does it demand war or slaughter. It simply requires an understanding of human nature: make people fearful, foster internal strife, keep them poor, lead them to self-doubt, sow distrust among them, and then offer just a little bit of hope, sugar-coated distractions, or spiritual opiates.

In this way, millions can be reduced to silent sheep, walking through the abyss while believing that there is light above them and a path beneath their feet.

The true hell is not a place of blazing fire, but a world where everyone adapts, everyone accepts, and no one resists.

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社会公民经济如何重构“就业、失业与基本收入制度”

社会公民经济如何重构“就业、失业与基本收入制度”

Kishou · Feb 5, 2026

前言:就业不是“谋生”,而是公民存在于社会中的基本许可 在资本经济的意识形态中,“就业”被粗暴地简化为一个工具性定义:“有岗位→ 才有收入→ 有收入才能生存”。这种逻辑将人的生存权与资本的雇用需求牢固捆绑,使得“没有岗位”被系统性地默认等同于“你对社会没价值”。 “失业”被道德化地污名为个人能力不足、市场竞争淘汰、自我失败的证明,进而导致个体在精神上的自我羞辱。 “基本收入”(UBI)则被制度性地污名化为“养懒人”、破坏效率、违背神圣的市场规律的异端福利。 然而,在社会公民经济的框架下,这一整套基于恐惧和效率至上的认知必须被彻底颠覆: 就业不是市场偶然赏赐的机会,而是公民参与社会生产、服务与分享文明成果的基本权利。 失业不是个人能力问题,而是技术迭代、产业变迁所产生的结构性风险。 基本收入不是施舍,而是公民作为“社会共同体成员”所应享有的、对社会共同资产的最低分红权。 这是“以资本为中心的高效市场社会”与“以人为本的公民文明社会”之间,在伦理和制度上的根本分水岭。 一、资本经济下的就业本质:不是“让人活”,而是“用人榨值” 在资本主导的经济结构中,就业的底层驱动逻辑是冰冷而单一的:不是为了解决人的生存和尊严,而是为了最大化地降低生产成本和提高资本回报率。 劳动力被视为可替换的、有价格的投入要素,而非拥有主观能动性的社会成员。 于是,系统自然形成了一种冷酷且不断优化的剥削结构: 有用的人(高性价比)→ 留在系统里,接受无限内卷和绩效考核。 暂时没用的人(低性价比/需转型)→ 被系统丢弃,成为待价而沽的风险个体。 再也没用的人(技术性淘汰)→ 被文明遗弃,成为社会救助的负担。 所谓“灵活就业”、“弹性用工”、“自由职业”,在很多时候不过是资本对“无稳定保障、无社保覆盖、无组织工会”的劳动力进行剥削的文明包装。资本并不关心劳动者能否长期稳定地生活、发展和养老,它只关心你当下这一刻的“边际成本与边际收益是否足够高”。 二、社会公民经济对“就业”的重新定义:不是岗位,而是“社会参与权” 在社会公民经济中,我们必须将“就业”的定义从狭隘的“为资本提供岗位服务”升级为:“公民参与社会生产、公共服务、治理、照护与知识创造的制度性通道。” 这意味着,有价值的劳动不再只等同于“能产生直接财务利润”的劳动,它包括但不限于: 公共服务型就业(Public Service Jobs): 政府、公益组织提供的,面向全民的基础服务。 社会照护型就业(Social Care): 针对老人、儿童、残障人士的照料和情感支持。 社区建设与文化型就业(Community & Cultural): 社区治理、文化传承、艺术创作、非盈利性教育。 生态修复型就业(Ecological Restoration): 环境保护、污染治理、可持续发展项目。 价值认定原则: 只要你的劳动具备以下特征: 对社会有真实且不可替代的价值(Real Social Value)。 对公共安全与韧性有真实贡献(Public Resilience Contribution)。 对共同体的存续有真实支撑(Communal Support)。 它就应当被视为正当就业,并获得稳定的、具备尊严的收入与制度保障。否则,一个社会必然会陷入“真实有价值的事(如照护、基础科研)没人做,纯资本回报高但价值低的事(如金融投机、广告内卷)挤破头”的结构性荒谬。 三、失业的文明定性:不是“失败者”,而是“结构性风险承受者” 在资本经济的道德叙事中,失业是一种个体失败的耻辱,被制度性地隐喻为不努力、能力差、不适应市场。这种羞辱性定性极大地增加了社会的不稳定性和个体的精神负担。 但在社会公民经济中,失业的真实本质必须被非道德化、客观化地定性为:技术迭代、产业转移、全球资本波动、政策调整等系统力量所导致的“结构性牺牲”(Structural Sacrifice)。 核心逻辑是: […]

The Cost of Extending Pension Contribution Periods

The Cost of Extending Pension Contribution Periods

Kishou · Feb 1, 2026

Introduction: A Global Surrender of Time Amid a profound global demographic reversal, virtually all modern nations are performing the same quiet yet decisive institutional surgery: delaying retirement ages, extending contribution periods, and recalibrating benefit expectations. Technocrats package this transformation as “the necessary response to the aging crisis,” while fiscal departments frame it as “rational adjustments […]

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