How to build a highly efficient and perfectly oppressive society

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Yicheng · May 10, 2025
A system where everyone can be deceived, exploited, and oppressed—yet powerless to resist Throughout the course of human civilization, the idea of building a “perfect abyss” has never been a mere fantasy. Its prototypes are scattered across history and present-day society—different in appearance, but strikingly similar in essence. If one were to deliberately design such […]

A system where everyone can be deceived, exploited, and oppressed—yet powerless to resist

Throughout the course of human civilization, the idea of building a “perfect abyss” has never been a mere fantasy. Its prototypes are scattered across history and present-day society—different in appearance, but strikingly similar in essence.

If one were to deliberately design such a society, three foundational principles must be strictly upheld: all wealth flows from one source, all power speaks from one voice, and all officials follow one chain of command.

I. Centralize all wealth, control the world

Money is the most fundamental unit of power and freedom in modern society. Whether a person can make independent choices largely depends on their basic economic capacity. Housing, education, healthcare, career paths—even the freedom to express opinions—all rest on a degree of financial autonomy. That is why restricting economic agency is one of the most effective ways to limit social freedom.

In a well-engineered abyssal society, people must never gain real control over economic resources.

The chronic financial vulnerability of the lower classes is not an accident—it is a structural reality. When people live paycheck to paycheck, drowning in debt and instability, they lose the capacity to reflect on systemic injustice, let alone organize to change it. Survival becomes their sole occupation.

And none of this is maintained by brute force, but rather by the quiet operation of a complex system—one that ensures that control over resources is always concentrated in the hands of a few. Tax policies favor capital, public resources are unevenly distributed, the education system rewards obedience, and the finance and housing sectors manufacture burden and dependency. Each seemingly neutral institutional design subtly funnels economic resources upward.

When people are consumed by survival—by housing near good schools, social insurance, and endless loan payments—they no longer have the strength to ask what freedom means, or what justice looks like.

II. Tame the citizens, preserve the throne

To crush political dreams, all it takes is turning citizens into obedient sheep.

The greatest threat to a deep-state society is not weapons, but the widespread awakening of civic consciousness. Once ordinary people realize they have the power to act collectively and participate in politics, the legitimacy of absolute power begins to crumble. That is why cutting off pathways for political participation becomes one of the system’s core strategies.

This suppression is not achieved through brute force, but through layered mechanisms—culture, education, media, and psychological conditioning—all working together to quietly neutralize resistance.

  • From an early age, the education system frames politics as something that belongs to the upper ranks of society—instilling a belief that “politics is not something people like us can influence.”
  • Mainstream media deliberately oversimplifies political issues and distances them from everyday life, aligning itself with those in power.
  • Meanwhile, the public discourse is saturated with subtle suggestions that “getting involved in politics is tantamount to rebellion,” gradually turning civic engagement into something dangerous—something to be avoided.

This long-term shaping of information and cognition does not result in the silence of a generation, but rather in the “lack of political imagination” within it. People can no longer conceive of collective expression, democratic dialogue, or public action, and they find it increasingly difficult to trust or unite with others. Individuals gradually become atomized, losing the ability to form collective power.

Ultimately, citizenship is reduced to that of a “submissive individual”—no longer concerned with how the system operates, but only with how to avoid being harmed. In this state, even when widespread injustice exists, there is a lack of sufficient mobilization to push for change.

No need for suppression, no need for bullets—the system continues to function, because people have long since abandoned the possibility of fighting for change.

III. Control Through Bureaucracy: The System’s Grip on Power

Fostering “controllable talents” and making internal friction an institutional inertia.

In a highly centralized power system, maintaining long-term stability requires a bureaucratic structure loyal to the system, rather than to the people. In such a mechanism, those with independent judgment, a sense of public responsibility, and the courage to speak out are often excluded from the core. Instead, the system favors controllable talents—those who are deeply attached to power and have no moral boundaries when it comes to personal gain.

Some of them are addicted to power, some are driven by greed for money, and others are enslaved by personal desires. These “weaknesses” make them particularly easy to manipulate. The system places them in various power positions, where they become the boss in institutions, granted a paternalistic authority that forces peope to comply.

A deeper strategy is to create structural divisions and competition. By overlapping the authority of departments, leaving room for power struggles between local and central governments, and uneven resource allocation among officials, the system forces them into constant infighting within the institutional framework. This artificial mechanism of internal competition compels officials at all levels to expend vast amounts of energy on mutual surveillance and the struggle for limited resources, leaving little time for building consensus or pushing for reforms.

In the midst of this chaos, those in power only need to occasionally “mediate” to win hearts and establish authority. People may even come to appreciate the “arbiter of order,” despite the fact that they were the ones who created the very chaos. As the old saying goes, “The world is vast, yet it is like holding it in the palm of your hand.”

Finale: The Art of the Abyss

Building a “highly efficient yet dark society with no power to resist” does not require advanced technology, nor does it demand war or slaughter. It simply requires an understanding of human nature: make people fearful, foster internal strife, keep them poor, lead them to self-doubt, sow distrust among them, and then offer just a little bit of hope, sugar-coated distractions, or spiritual opiates.

In this way, millions can be reduced to silent sheep, walking through the abyss while believing that there is light above them and a path beneath their feet.

The true hell is not a place of blazing fire, but a world where everyone adapts, everyone accepts, and no one resists.

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台湾の大規模罷免運動:私たちは彼らを選べても、罷免は決してできないのか?

台湾の大規模罷免運動:私たちは彼らを選べても、罷免は決してできないのか?

Kishou · Jul 24, 2025

一乗公益 寄稿 私たちは、世界の民主主義制度における深いレベルの改革というテーマに、引き続き注目していきます。 付録:台湾の罷免制度に関する10の修正提案 序論: 多くの民主主義国家において、国民は「投票で代表者を選ぶ」権利を持つ一方で、「任期中に罷免する」ことは極めて困難です。 これは偶然ではなく、制度設計に「内在する障壁」が組み込まれているからです。近年、台湾で相次いで発生した罷免運動を例にとれば、その制度が実際には機能不全に陥り、民意が制度的に冷遇され、政治的責任追及がほぼ不可能になっている様子が明確に見て取れます。 この背景には、より深い民主主義の問いがあります。 罷免権を持たない民主主義は、制御不能な委任に過ぎません。 有効な罷免メカニズムを持たない制度は、単なる見せかけの政治に過ぎません。 一、台湾における罷免の苦境:現実レベルの「合法的な無効化」 √ 事例1:陳柏惟氏の罷免案(2021年) × 事例2:黄捷氏の罷免案(2021年) × 事例3:鍾東錦氏の罷免案(2024年) これらの事例が示すのは、制度が罷免の道を開きながらも、実際には「罷免阻止の仕組み」を構築しているということです。 二、なぜ罷免制度は「形骸化」しているのでしょうか?台湾における5つの制度的障壁 1. 手続きが複雑で、ハードルが極めて高い 問題は、制度が「罷免」を専門的な闘争に変えてしまい、一般市民が関与しにくい点にあります。 2. 政党による乗っ取りと政治的二極化、罷免を「選挙戦の延長」に貶める 罷免の本質は制度の自浄作用であるはずが、政党が互いに攻撃する道具として利用されています。 3. 市民の動員構造の解体、行動力が高度に分散 現代の民主社会では、個人は「自由」であると同時に「孤立」しています。 4. メディア環境の異質化、言論空間が「偽の民意」を生成 メディアはもはや市民の判断を導くのではなく、政党の方針を固めるのを助ける役割を担っています。 5. 罷免後の制度的な後始末がなく、市民が混乱を恐れる 市民が求めるのは「責任ある是正メカニズム」であり、混乱後の政治の空転ではありません。 三、民主主義には「完全な罷免制度」が不可欠です もし民主主義が公共の列車だとすれば、選挙は乗車であり、罷免はブレーキです。 ブレーキシステムを持たない民主主義は、自由な制度ではなく、制度的な制御不能に陥っています。 ▶ 完全な罷免制度は、以下の5つの要素を含むべきです。 構成要素 機能 台湾の現状 改善提案 ① 容易な発動 市民が発起でき、政党の支援は不要であるべきです。 極めて高いハードルです。 第1段階のハードルを0.5%にまで引き下げます。 ② 公正な審査 署名、資格、公文書のプロセスがすべて公開されるべきです。 行政権による審査が曖昧です。 超党派の独立罷免委員会の設立。 ③ 政党による操作の排除 […]

台湾大罢免:我们能选他们,却永远罢不掉他们?

台湾大罢免:我们能选他们,却永远罢不掉他们?

Kishou · Jul 24, 2025

一乘公益 出品 我们将持续关注世界民主制度的深层改革议题。 附:台湾罢免制度的十大修正建议 引言: 在多数民主国家,人民拥有“投票选人”的权利,却极难“中途罢人”。 这不是偶然,而是制度设计上的“内建屏障”。以台湾近年来接连爆发的罢免案为例,我们可以清晰地看到:罢免制度在操作上几近瘫痪,民意被制度性冷处理,政治责任几乎无法追究。 这背后,是一个更深刻的民主命题: 没有罢免权的民主,是失控的授权; 没有有效罢免机制的制度,只是表演性的政治。 一、台湾的罢免困局:现实层面的“合法无效” 案例1:陈柏惟罢免案(2021) 案例2:黄捷罢免案(2021) 案例3:钟东锦罢免案(2024) 这些案例说明:制度虽开罢免口子,实际却构建了“防罢免机制”。 二、为什么罢免制度“名存实亡”?台湾的五重制度性障碍 1. 程序复杂,门槛奇高 问题在于:制度把“罢免”变成了专业战争,普通人难以介入。 2. 政党绑架与政治极化,令罢免沦为选战延长线 罢免的本义是制度自清,却被政党当作政治互打工具。 3. 民众动员结构解体,行动力被高度分散 现代民主社会里,个体虽“自由”,但“孤立”。 4. 媒体生态异化,言论空间制造假民意 媒体不再引导公民判断,而是在协助政党定调。 5. 罢免之后,无制度性善后,导致民众恐惧动荡 民众需要的是“负责任的纠错机制”,不是混乱后的政治空转。 三、民主必须有“完整的罢免机制” 如果民主是一辆公共列车,选举是上车,罢免就是刹车。 一个没有刹车系统的民主,不是自由的制度,而是制度性失控。 ▶ 完整的罢免机制应包含五个构件: 构件 功能 台湾现状 优化建议 ① 易启动 民众能发起,无需政党支援 极高门槛 降低第一阶段门槛至0.5% ② 公正审查 联署、资格、公文全程公开 行政权审查模糊 建立跨党独立罢免委员会 ③ 非政党操控 去党化动员 政党完全主导罢免动员 限制政党使用行政资源介入罢免 […]

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